Our study identified several plants that were deemed important based on their CII (cultural importance index) values. These plants were found to have a wide range of uses and were highly regarded and accepted by the local community.

Pinus wallichiana A.B.Jacks. is the most commonly reported wild plant in Daman village. It has a wide distribution across Bhutan, Nepal, India, and China. Our survey found that the phloem flakes of this plant were consumed directly, or processed into long strips, boiled, and used as a type of "pine bark noodles." The seeds were also eaten directly by the Daman people, while the branches and dried pine cones were highly valued as fuelwood materials. In Yadong county, the seeds are used as nuts [40]. In Nepal and India, the resin of P. wallichiana is used as a stimulant, stomachic, and remedy for gonorrhea. When applied externally as a plaster, it helps abscesses to suppurate. The wood is considered diaphoretic and is widely used to treat burning sensations, fainting, cough, and ulceration. Additionally, the oleoresin extracted from the wood is used to treat scorpion stings and snake bites [41, 42]. Notably, our study recorded the edible bark of P. wallichiana for the first time.

Rhododendron anthopogon D. Don is predominantly found in high altitude areas of China (southern Tibet), Bhutan, Nepal, and India. It holds significant cultural value as an important Tibetan incense plant and is widely used in various Tibetan regions, including the Tibetans of Yadong and the Lhoba of Douyu [40, 43]. The flower of R. anthopogon is also used as an herbal tea by people in Dolpa, Humla, and Mustang District, Nepal, and has been found to be effective in treating gastritis, common cold, indigestion, and as a diuretic [41].

Polygonatum cirrhifolium F. Delaroche is highly valued by the Daman people as both a wild vegetable and medicine. The young leaves of this plant are eaten as a vegetable, while its roots are used as a tonic medicine. P. cirrhifolium is primarily distributed in southern Tibet, Nepal, and India, and Tibetans in Yadong consider it to be an important wild economic plant [40]. The root juice of P. cirrhifolium is used as a tonic and taken in cases of fractures by people in Dolpa district and Mustang district, Nepal [41]. Additionally, in Manang District, Nepal, this plant is used to treat cough, fever, and to increase sexual potency [43].

Artemisia japonica Thunb is widely distributed in East and South Asia and is used as Tibetan incense and medicine in these areas [40, 43,44,45,46]. The Daman people use the plant to fumigate the body and treat rheumatoid arthritis by spreading it under stone slabs and setting it on fire. Additionally, it is burned as Tibetan incense by the Daman people.

Gastrodia elata Blume is an important economic plant for the Daman people, who collect its roots in the mountains and sell them to drug dealers. Sun-dried G. elata roots can fetch up to 500 yuan per 500 g, and the roots are also used as a tonic by the locals.

The plant use structure and species between Daman and Tibetan communities in Gyirong exhibit high similarity. Of the 28 subcategories, 23 are the same, and 58 of the 68 plants used by the Daman people are also used by the local Tibetans. Further analysis of the FIC values revealed that the 22 identical usage categories showed a high degree of sharing between both groups (Fig. 6) [35, 47, 48]. The knowledge network analysis also showed a 66% overlap in plant knowledge between the Daman people and Tibetans. This may be due to the Daman people being scattered among Tibetans, which has led to a relatively close relationship in other aspects of social life, despite limited personal interaction [14, 22].

After analyzing the IASc of each plant, we identified five plants that occupy a critical position in both groups and belong to the first quadrant [48]. Rhododendron anthopogon D. Don (IAScDaman = 0.907, IAScTibetan = 0.703), Artemisia japonica Thunb. (0.660, 0.564), and Juniperus indica Bertol. (0.625, 0.518) are all traditional Tibetan ritual plants used for daily incense sacrifice and are highly valued by the Daman people, playing a significant role in their lives [40, 49]. Gastrodia elata Blume (0.660, 0.518) is an example of a significant economic plant for the locals [50], and they collect it along with other Tibetan medicines such as Fritillaria cirrhosa D. Don and Saussurea tridactyla Sch.Bip. ex Hook.f. to improve their livelihood [51]. However, compared to the Tibetans, the Damans have limited access to the scope and quantity of these medicinal plants they can collect [52].

In summary, the plant use practices of the Daman people are highly similar to those of the local Tibetan cultural groups. The Daman people's understanding of Tibetan culture and customs has enabled them to seamlessly integrate into the local Tibetan community. This integration has facilitated better understanding and cooperation between the two groups, allowing them to coexist harmoniously.

The perception of nature can vary between ethnic groups and is often influenced by specific cultural traditions [53]. In our study, we aimed to identify the unique cultural identity of the Daman people, while also exploring the similarities and differences in their plant use practices compared to the local Tibetans. Due to their distinct experiences and knowledge, the Daman people have developed unique methods and uses for plants that differ from those of the Tibetans. Moreover, the difference in knowledge between the Daman people and the Tibetans may be related to whether they are local indigenous people. The Daman people migrated to the Gyirong border region in the past two centuries, while the Tibetans have settled in Gyirong for thousands of years, which demonstrates the importance of indigenous knowledge [54]. The Daman people and the Tibetans have equal opportunities to access plant resources. However, the difference between the Daman people and Tibetans is that the former do not have cultivated land.

Before 2003, the Daman people were stateless and did not have access to their own land. As a result, they had to work for people in Gyirong Township or Nepal in exchange for food [14]. According to one informant, "At that time, I went to Nepal to work, and I could only exchange a handful of rice for a day of farm work." The Daman people frequently suffered from hunger and food scarcity, which compelled them to learn about edible plants in order to survive. Some of their knowledge of edible plants was passed down by local Tibetans, while other knowledge was discovered by the Daman people themselves. For instance, they recognized the importance of Arisaema tortuosum (Wall.) Schott as a food substitute, a plant which local Tibetans did not mention. Sedum multicaule Wall. ex Lindl. was also used by the Daman people to treat foot trauma, which was common due to their year-round residence in the valleys for their livelihood.

From the perspective of use categories, there still exists a cultural gap between the Daman and the Tibetans. In the area of fodder, the Daman people have very limited knowledge compared to the local Tibetans. This is due to the fact that the Daman traditionally had a small scale of cattle farming, and after the 2015 earthquake, they moved to new houses without cowsheds, which led to a further decline in their knowledge of feed plants [55].

In addition, the Daman people lack knowledge about traditional handicrafts, which is in contrast to the local Tibetans who have a wealth of botanical knowledge for making wooden bowls, with sharing practices across different villages. These differences indicate the influence of cultural background and livelihood on plant selection and use.